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Kialakulása, fejlődése, teljesítményei és érvényessége a globális kapitalizmus korában
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Knjiga Filozofija prava rezultat je, s jedne strane, mog višegodišnjeg filozofskog istraživanja i promišljanja fenomenâ koje pokriva ova disciplina praktičke filozofije, te, s druge, predavanja istoimenog predmeta i interaktivnog rada sa studentima završnih godina dodiplomskog studija Pravnog fakulteta Univerziteta u Zenici. Naravno, upućena je najviše njima – studentima Pravnog fakulteta Univerziteta u Zenici, kao i svim drugim studentima koji slušaju ovaj ili sličan predmet na pravnim fakultetima u Bosni i Hercegovini i široj regiji, te onim čitaocima koje zanima filozofska refleksija prava. U svakom slučaju, tokom pisanja ove knjige nastojao sam stil i metodologiju izlaganja tako prilagoditi kako bi ona uistinu bila udžbenik iz filozofije prava koji će pomoći studentima u savladavanju gradiva predviđenog nastavnim planom i programom. Takva orijentacija, bez obzira na brojne teškoće, podrazumijevala je zauzimanje jedne, uvjetno govoreći, nezavisne pozicije spram vlastitih vrijednosnih i svakih drugih stavova u i oko filozofije, posebice filozofije i aksiologije prava.
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Oto Fridrih Bolnov se 1938. godine u okviru jednog teksta, vrlo jasno pro-režimskog, (između ostalilh se ponavljaju i citati nekih režimskih ideologa) izričito pozvao na Hajdegera i na njegovu kategoriju povesti da bi osporio apstrakcije »pojma univerzalnosti čoveka« »konkretnog totaliteta« jedne istorijski determinisane zajednice: »Ako pođemo od pomankanja vere u um kao suštine, presudne za čoveka i za podržavanje istorijske svesti, više ne postoji mogućnost da se čovečanstvo posmatra kao svekoliko realno postojeće čiji su delovi pojedinačni narodi, već postoje narodi protiv naroda. Narodi se udružuju u najviši oblik jedinstva, i uspevaju da se slože, dok je čovečanstvo samo univerzalni pojam i ne predstavlja stvarno jedinstvo.«
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The frame of potential interpretations of humanity in the current century, the century which opens new dimensions of socializing in the form of virtual relations – as it is provided by world wide web, encapsulates substantial theoretical flexibility as well as a broad historical and philosophical elaboration of the early Greek notion – techne. On the other hand, answers to these questions are not reduced to philosophical self-pity, lamentations and shyness of speculation or “technoblasphemous” reasoning, nor to technical fascination with “greatness”, which has been present in positivistic philosophy from the modern age and expressed in diverse aspects of the same positivistic philosophy. The complexity of answers to the above mentioned dilemma is deepened by the fact that the twentieth century radically redirected the technical dexterity of the governing over nature to the space of the broad spectrum of social relations. There is abundance of illustrations of such cybernetic intentions of social movements at the end of the twentieth and at the beginning of the twenty first century. Such illustrations are rooted in the ever-increasing conviction in the indispensability of the meaningful, technocatricly arranged society which is bereft of all forms of individual decisions - having in mind that such decisions are let to the groups of experts which inevitably eliminates individuals of the social responsibility. The scientific era, as the most common term of the contemporary technical and cybernetic expansion, is featured by the rule over nature which is substantially different from the previous era in the way that new challenge is enabled, namely the challenge in which techne is no more only Aristotelian potential of tailoring the forms which nature implies, but much more the establishment of the artificial reality, which is against nature implying mythification of science inspired by technocatric negligence in the form of dogmatic theories of the society of knowledge.
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“Liberali i naprednjaci su bili konzervativci.” Navedenim oksimoronom objašnjavana je na časovima istorije delatnost prvih političkih stranaka u Srbiji, nama koji smo stasavali sedamdesetih godina prošlog veka. Kao i brojni slogani koje smo učili napamet i ta jednostavna rečenica je formulisana kako bi nam simplifikovala obimnu istorijsku materiju i olakšala razumevanje vremena u kome su formirane moderne ideologije i nastajali novi kolektivni identiteti. Međutim, sintaksička analiza načina na koji je stavljen znak jednakosti između devetnaestovekovnih liberala i naprednjaka, ukazivala je i na specifičnosti istorijske kulture unutar koje je pomenuti moto osmišljen. Manir prisutan u označavanja “drugog” koji je podrazumevao lakonsko izjednačavanje različitih političkih i ideoloških koncepcija bio je, naime, odraz označitelja mnogo više nego što je predstavljao precizno svedočanstvo o označenom. Sistem koji je brisao razlike među onima koje je prepoznavao kao “druge” i “drugačije”, zapravo je pokazivao nespremnost grupe koja ga je uspostavila da prizna sopstvenu pluralnost.
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International relations (IR) as an autonomous academic discipline was eventually formed in the interwar era and it set quite an explicit goal– to contribute to the studies of wars and especially to prevent their re-occurrence. Hence the new discipline responded to the existing demandin a society recovering from the horrors of World War I. It had a purely practical task that could hardly be questioned in the social atmosphere of that time. Then as well as nowadays, to fulfill this ambition, it is necessary to pay attention to the study of the causes of wars. Therefore, theories dealing with the studies of the causes of wars are an essential part of the tradition of international relations.
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Review of: Andrija Golubović - Pamela Odih, Watersheds in Marxist Ecofeminism. Newcastle upon Tyne, UK: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. 2014. 390 str
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This work serves as a reminder and summary of the importance of the social resonance of Israeli artist Shai Zakai’s project Concrete Creek, which with its complexity shows remarkable interpretative possibilities of the project through the queer, spiritualistic and Marxist reading of ecofeminism.
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Engels, by a positivistically abbreviated interpretation of the dialectical method, is thought to have contributed to the banalization of Marx’s thought. Engels himself is somewhat to blame for such a view of his role, for he described his relationship to Marx in terms that can very well be interpreted in that light. It is significant that he, who nevertheless gave impetus, in later years avoided dealing independently with the history of economic thought, economic liberalism, and even economic-theoretical issues in general. This is supported by the fact that in “Anti-Dühring”, which I deal with in more detail below, he left the writing of relevant economic-theoretical passages to Marx.
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This article gives an overview of the reception of Engels’ philosophy in the “Zagreb School of Practice”. The essential moments of this reception consist in pointing out certain (more or less) differences in the philosophical views of Marx and Engels (authors of Anti–Düring, The Dialectic of Nature and the Writings of Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy). Predrag Vranicki, Gajo Petrović, Milan Kangrga and Lino Veljak in various ways critically analyze the contradictions in Engels’ conceptions, especially regarding the dialectic of nature, and consider Engels’ influence on the formation of orthodox Marxism.
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Reflecting on the contemporary society from a Marxist-feminist angle with a focus on the question of women’s oppression, one of the key questions that must be tackled is the structure/nature of the family and marriage. Because of the very significant, if not pivotal, role of the family in capitalism, contemporary conservative currents insist on family more than anything as a nuclear unit of society, where monogamy (of course, only for women) and heteronormativity play major roles. In addition, traditional marriage is the only desirable form of marriage. The position of women in society can be seen from their position in the family, that is, the position of married women. To illustrate this, in this paper we will try, mostly by using Engels’ findings, to explain when and why monogamy and marriage occur and how the family developed. After that we will try to show, based on the work by some socialists and anarchists, and further on Engels, the social basis of the subordination of women in marriage and the family. Finally, through authors like Barret, point out that family is not essentially and naturally given, it is not always the same, on the contrary – it depends on specific social relations. From such historicalmaterialist point of view, marriage and family are revealed as social rather than natural units and as bourgeois ideals.
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Review of: Lev Kreft - Dvjesto godina Friedricha Engelsa Goran Gretić -Dvjesto godina Friedricha Engelsa Zvonko Posavec -Dvjesto godina Friedricha Engelsa
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Pre nekoliko dana sam za svoju narednu knjigu pisao poglavlje o ratu. Danas u knjizi morate imati poglavlje o ratu, jer sve vaše priče o konvergenciji, divergenciji i globalnoj srednjoj klasi mogu biti zbrisane ratom, a naročito svetskim ratom.
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Engleski teoretičar književnosti, Terry Eagleton, svoju knjigu Zašto je Marks bio u pravu (2011) počinje rečenicom: „Saznanje da je marksizam gotov bilo bi muzika za uši svim marksistima na svetu“. Drugim rečima, želja svakog marksiste je da to više ne bude. Svetu kome ne bi bilo potrebe za marksističkim svetonazorima bio bi svet bez kapitalističke eksploatacije. U pokušaju da produbi ovaj paradoks, Eagleton marksistu poredi sa lekarom. Naime, poput marksiste, lekar je pervertirano biće koje zadovoljstvo traži u lečenju pacijenata kojima potom neće biti potreban. Konačno, baš kao marksisti, i lekari bi želeli da više nikada nikome ne budu potrebni.
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Die marxistische Lehre stellt eine der komplexesten Fragen der modernen Zeit dar, vor allem deswegen, weil nach dem Tod von Karl Marx (1883) eine ganze Reihe von Historikern auftauchten, die sich als seine konsequente Anhänger darstellten. Unter ihnen gab es “verfehlte” oder “falsche Marxisten”, deren Einstellungen völlig von den grundsätzlichen Position des Marxismus abwichen, es gab auch solche, die diese Lehre nur in Ansätzen annahmen, aber auch konsequente Historiker, die in ihre ganze Wissenschaftsphilosophie originäre marxistische Prinzipien einführten. Einer der Protagonisten der letzten Gruppe war auch der bosnisch-herzegowinische Historiker Branislav Đurđev. Seine marxistische Geschichstauffassung brachte er in einer Reihe von Aufsätzen, Studien und Abhandlungen zum Ausdruck, in welchen er explizite seinen Standpunkt verteidigte und jene heftig kritisierte, die von dieser Auffassung abwichen.
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Opera lui Franz Kafka a exercitat asupra exegezei marxiste o atracție aproape hipnotică. Fapt straniu, dacă e să lăsăm deoparte psihanaliza literară sau hermeneutica de redacție mistică, niciunde altundeva interesul pentru acest scriitor nu s-a manifestat atât de intens ca în tabăra criticilor marxiști. Mai mult încă decât opera, biografia scriitorului - sau mai precis comerțul intens pe care aceasta s-a presupus că l-ar întreține cu textele propriu-zise - a devenit un argument teribil, în spatele căruia marxismul literar, dar și alte formule critice abuzive au putut să debordeze.
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The basic teaching of macroeconomics is based on the principle of managing scarce resources in the most efficient way against endless needs. Liberal economic theories are shaped according to this principle. According to this understanding, countries, societies and individuals who can manage scarce resources in the best way increase their welfare and become prosperous. Societies that fail to achieve this become poorer or fall into the underdeveloped country class.
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Due to the part it played during the wartime Partisan movement and its prewar Communist experience the town of Vodice became an important stronghold in the district of Šibenik on the road toward the creation of a tradition which was founded on communist ideology, brotherhood and unity, and partisan struggle. In such circumstances a conflict grew between the Catholic Church and the Communist Party in this Dalmatian peasant town following the Second World War. Along the lines of this campaign exemplified by the events of Good Friday 1948, the polarization of its inhabitants is analyzed around two massive gatherings (procession and kolo). The clash of these two gatherings, which served to represent the power and social mobilization of the conflicting forces, took place in the ambiance of the small and narrow kaleta of Vodice and its fields which added to the atmosphere of tension and animosity. Such an atmosphere was channelled in postwar Vodice into a long doctrinal conflict between two institutions and traditions and in some sense symbolically personified not only Vodice’s, but also Croatia’s and indeed a universal experience of their conflict. In this regard, the clash in Vodice coincided with the zenith of their conflict which was expressed in the anti-Church character of the communist regimes in Eastern Europe and in the potential expansion of communism to Italy, the centre of the Catholic Church. As far as the doctrinal differences between Catholicism, or the Church and communist traditions are concerned, they represented a particular segment of the general collision of the Church with “modernism’’. However, unlike other ‘’modernist ideas or ideologies’’, communist tradition was specific and distinct because of its ultra-radical animosity toward the Church and Catholicism, and Christianity in general.
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This essay, on the example provided by the Yugoslavian philosophical journal Praxis and a group of sociologists and philosophers gathered around it, points to certain characteristics inherent in the formation of critical thought within communist society. Revisionist Marxism, just like the very system it sought to cleanse from within, contained many contradictions within itself. This text emphasizes a deconstruction of the prevailing relations between the conditions which generally enabled the emergence of critical thought of the ‘praxist’ type on the Yugoslavian social-political scene and its ultimate failure. Deeply entrenched Titoism, a general philosophical orientation as well as an elitism tied to it and a non-transparent relation toward the broader social classes, an anti-national line of criticism, utopian language and Marx as the main and basic starting point – these were all conditions which helped Praxis maintain its position of a relatively independent subject through an entire decade. All these, moreover, were reasons why Praxis’s criticism, however original and humanistic it may have been, was unsuccessful in generating the all-encompassing social transformation for which it called.
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