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Strategic Approach to Aging Population: Experiences and Challenges

Author(s): / Language(s): English

People across the world are living longer. According to the World Health Organization (2018), the world population that is older than 60 years will reach 22% by 2050, amounting to 2 billion people, which is a significant increase from 900 million in 2015. The number of older persons will outnumber children younger than five years. The pace of population aging is much faster than before, forcing all countries to face challenges that age brings, from health issues to human rights issues, each requiring proper policy response. As societies grow older due to increased longevity and improved health, older people change in terms of expectations they have related to life in the retirement age. There are many inspiring examples of older persons who want to pursue new activities, such as education, engage in a new career that corresponds to their passion neglected earlier, or continue to be a productive family or community member. It is not surprising to see that some older persons do not make a direct transition from employment to retirement but rather self-employment, implying a positively inverted U-shaped relationship between age and entrepreneurship. For example, to prove it, let us remember the founders of McDonald’s, Coca Cola and Kentucky Fried Chicken, were all over 50 years old when they established their business. One can conclude that older persons are heterogeneous, making aging difficult to handle research and policy-wise.

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Kapitalizam i zdravlje

Author(s): Eva Illouz / Language(s): Serbian

Francusko-izraelska sociološkinja Eva Iluz analizira planetarnu krizu izazvanu korona virusom - Dok gleda hipnotišući film Larsa fon Trira „Melanholija“, obuzet mešavinom prestravljenosti i nemoći, gledalac postepeno shvata da je svet na pragu nestanka, osuđen na neizbežni sudar sa planetom po imenu Melanholija. Na kraju filma gledalac, istovremeno fasciniran i paralizovan, posmatra tu planetu čija se putanja okončava sudarom sa Zemljom. Ukazavši se u vidu udaljene tačke na nebu ona postepeno raste, sve dok se na kraju, u trenutku sudara, ne pretvori u ogroman disk i ne ispuni čitavo filmsko platno.

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Vučićeva zahvalnost

Author(s): Mijat Lakićević / Language(s): Serbian

Kina je uvek volela da ima odskočnu dasku u Evropi. Nekad su to bili Enver Hodža i Albanija, danas Aleksandar Vučić i Srbija. Ali, da počnemo od početka. Prvo je Aleksandar Vučić 17. marta u onom obraćanju naciji u kojem je obznanio uvođenje policijskog časa, govoreći o solidarnosti Kine prema Srbiji, veliku zahvalnost uputio i Komunističkoj partiji Kine. Do sada to nije bio slučaj. Zahvaljivao se po pravilu Narodnoj republici Kini, bratskom kineskom narodu i, posebno, njegovom predsedniku Si Đinpingu, ali KPK u tom kontekstu nije pominjao.

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Zaustavljanje života

Author(s): Saša Ilić / Language(s): Serbian

Dnevnik izvanrednog stanja I - Ne bojte se. Imam masku na licu dok ovo pišem, ali i pored toga trudim se da ne dišem u ekran već pratim tekst blago pognute glave, ispod gornjeg ruba naočara. Isto onako kako je pre dva dana u obližnjoj Aromi jedna starija gospođa, neznatno maskirana zelenom kapom i podignutim šalom iste boje, posmatrala preostale komade mesa u vitrini pred nama. Mesar, ogroman tip sa keceljom po kojoj su krvave mrlje ostavile trajne fleke, nije prestao da govori o vanrednom stanju. Kada je ugledao Gospođu u zelenoj kapi skoro da se naljutio na nju, pa je krenuo u pravu tiradu o neposluhu i kažnjavanju.

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FOG ON THE BALTIC: RUSSIA’S AND CHINA’S INFLUENCE IN THE REGION

Author(s): Edward Lucas / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Russia and China are both superpowers. They are not allies, and they are not rivals, but they have overlapping aims, occasionally similar tactics – and wildly differing resources. In both countries, all policy, internal and external, stems from the overriding goal of regime stability. China regards the West as a threat to its economic development and political sovereignty. The Kremlin too sees the West, particularly the European Union (EU) and NATO, as illegitimate constraints on its decision-making, and as potential instigators of ‘colour revolutions’ that will exploit Russia’s ethnic, religious, political, and other fissures.

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FIGURA NEPRIJATELJA: PREOSMIŠLJAVANJE SRPSKO-ALBANSKIH ODNOSA

Author(s): / Language(s): Serbian

Ideja o pisanju knjige i pokretanju projekta o srpsko-albanskim odnosima javila se, kako to na Balkanu često biva, u kafani (koja je, doduše, u neposrednoj blizini Narodne biblioteke Srbije). Pošto su se u Betonu pojavili tekstovi Milana Miljkovića o predstavljanju Albanaca u srpskoj štampi i Aleksandra Pavlovića o figuri Turčina kao neprijatelja, Milan je uz čašicu predložio da se inicira projekat koji bi okupio srpske i albanske intelektualce, teoretičare i teoretičarke u oblasti društvenih nauka koji bi zajedno obrađivali srpsko-albanske odnose. Verovatno je najčešći način borbe protiv politika neprijateljstva začudna i retka politika prijateljstva. Tako je bilo i u slučaju Aleksandra Pavlovića i Rigelsa Halilija, koji su zbog sličnosti u naučnim temama i interesovanjima najpre uspostavili „naučno pobratimstvo“, a ubrzo došli i do nekolicine drugih srpskih i albanskih kolega zainteresovanih da učestvuju u ovom projektu. Da sve ne ostane na kafanskoj priči (što na Balkanu takođe često biva) zasluga je i urednikā Betona, prevashodno Saše Ćirića, koji je kumovao projektu i knjizi predloživši njen naziv Figura neprijatelja: preosmišljavanje srpsko-albanskih odnosa, a obezbedio je i pomoć prevodilačke mreže Traduki koja je odmah prihvatila da sufinansira prevođenje tekstova sa srpskog na albanski jezik i obrnuto. Usledilo je nekoliko neuspelih inicijativa sa domaćim institucijama – naši prijatelji iz albanskog Ministarstva kulture rekli su nam da misle da za ovako nešto još nije vreme, a na konkursu srpskog Ministarstva kulture uprkos obimnoj dokumentaciji koju smo poslali u traženih 7 (i slovima sedam) primeraka (!), projekat na godišnjem konkursu nije dobio ni dinara. Za razliku od rečenih institucija, kolege iz Instituta za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, pogotovo sadašnje koordinatorke projekta i kourednice ove knjige Gazela Pudar Draško i Adriana Zaharijević, uz mentorstvo Petra Bojanića, založile su se za projekat i značajno ojačale prvobitnu aplikaciju, koja je zatim podržana u okviru švajcarskog Programa za promociju istraživanja na zapadnom Balkanu koji finansira Švajcarska agencija za razvoj i saradnju, na čemu im dugujemo veliku zahvalnost. Pored IFDT-a i KPZ Beton, saradnici na projektu su i „Ćendra multimedija“ („Quendra Multimedia“) iz Prištine, koja je 2011. godine zajedno sa KPZ Beton objavila antologije Iz Prištine, s ljubavlju (o savremenoj kosovskoj literaturi na albanskom jeziku) i Iz Beograda, s ljubavlju (o savremenoj prozi mlađih autora u Srbiji), i „Poeteka“ iz Tirane, ugledni izdavački i kulturni centar koji kontinuirano objavljuje prevode savremene i ranije srpske književnosti na albanski jezik.

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PORTFOLIO VJEŠTINA NEOPHODNIH ZA ZAPOŠLJIVOST MLADIH NA REGIONALNOM NIVOU

Author(s): Jelena Batelić,Elizabeta Cvetkovska,Amila Dedić,Aleksandra Đurović,Bojana Jevtović,Mila Josifovska,Miloš Knežević,Irida Nasufi,Svetlana Pešić,Irena Topalli / Language(s): Montenegrine

Prepoznato je da je veliki procenat mladih na Zapadnom Balkanu nezaposlen i da im nedostaju znanja i vještine koje su neophodne na tržištu rada. Iako postoje jasni dokazi da su efekti neformalnog obrazovanja na unaprjeđenje vještina koje podstiču zapošljivost mladih ljudi višestruko pozitivni, toj oblasti ne posvjećuje se dovoljna pažnja na regionalnom nivou. U Portfoliju vještina neophodnih za zapošljivost mladih na regionalnom nivou obuhvaćeni su rezultati analiza ključnih vještina neophodnih za prilagođavanje mladih tržištu rada kao i metoda njihovog razvoja kroz programe omladinskih organizacija i organizacija koje rade sa mladima u državama Zapadnog Balkana. Ovaj dokument zasnovan je na komparativnoj studiji koja je sprovedena u šest država Zapadnog Balkana – u Albaniji, Bosni i Hercegovini, Hrvatskoj, Makedoniji, Crnoj Gori i Srbiji. Analiza je obavljena u formi sekundarnog istraživanja i prikupljanja podataka od relevantnih izvora i posebno od osoba koje rade sa mladima.

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The undeclared war. A new phase of the Azerbaijani-Armenian conflict

Author(s): Wojciech Górecki,Krzysztof Strachota / Language(s): English

More than two years after the end of the Second Karabakh War in November 2020, the situation in the conflict area remains highly unstable. Despite declarations of a de facto solution to the problem, intensive peace talks and Armenia signalling significant concessions on the Nagorno-Karabakh issue, the region is once again becoming a flashpoint, as manifested by Azerbaijan’s blockade of it since December. In the process, the conflict has escalated to an open dispute between the two states. Azerbaijan has been provoking Armenia with military attacks along the line of the non-delimited state border (along which there was fierce fighting last September), and suggesting it might forcibly take over transportation routes (the so-called Zangezur corridor) on its neighbour’s territory.

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ASPECTE DE DREPT COMPARAT PRIVIND INFRACȚIUNEA DE VIOL

Author(s): Emanuela Denisa Dinu / Language(s): Romanian Publication Year: 0

The author analyses the legal content of the crime of rape, regulated by article 218 of the New Criminal Code, while an exam compared with other states and their law towards this matter.On this occasion, the author also presents some critical opinion and suggestions with a view on improving the society and the law itself.

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ASPECTE GENERALE REFERITOARE LA INFRACȚIUNILE CONTRA VIEȚII PERSOANEI

Author(s): Emanuela Denisa Dinu / Language(s): Romanian Publication Year: 0

The author examines general aspects regarding the crimes against life, aspects that are outlined by statistics and studies over the years. On this ocassion, the evolution of the Romanian Criminal Code is highlighted and compared to other states, such as France and Russia. The purpose of this study is to understand the importance of penal provisions in preserving the lives

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Netanyahu for the sixth time: the new Israeli government

Author(s): Marek Matusiak / Language(s): English

A new Israeli government was sworn in on 29 December 2022, as Benjamin Netanyahu took the helm as prime minister for the sixth time in his career, after a year and a half in opposition. Negotiations on forming a government coalition had been ongoing since early November, when parliamentary elections were held for the fifth time in four years. The new coalition holds 64 of the 120 seats in the Knesset, and consists of six parties: two are ultra-religious, three combine religious and national radicalism, while the largest of them, Likud, is a secular nationalist party. The make-up of the coalition, the views of individual members of the government and its first moves indicate that the new cabinet is Israel’s most religiously conservative and nationalist in its history. We should expect its policies to institute significant changes in many areas of public life. This applies primarily to domestic affairs, but also to some extent to Israel’s relations with the US and Russia, as well as the war in Ukraine.

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Germany and the trade conflict between Lithuania & China

Author(s): Sebastian Płóciennik / Language(s): English

The Chinese government’s trade boycott of Lithuania risks causing economic losses for Germany and weakening the cohesion of the EU’s common market. However, Berlin is unlikely to take any decisive actions – such as pushing through retaliation – due to its huge dependence on the Chinese market, as well as differences of opinion within the government on what direction its Beijing policy should tale. Thus Germany will limit itself to diplomatic efforts, counting that the actions taken at the EU level by the European Commission and the French presidency of the EU Council will be effective.

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A hydrogen alliance? The potential for German-Russian cooperation in hydrogen energy

Author(s): Michał Kędzierski,Szymon Kardaś / Language(s): English

Joint hydrogen energy projects are components of the comprehensive Russian-German energy cooperation which has been ongoing for more than five decades. Due to increasing demand for hydrogen resulting from Germany’s energy transition (Energiewende) and to the potential of the hydrogen sector in Russia and its focus on export, the fundamental interests of the two states are well aligned. In 2020, Moscow and Berlin stepped up their political dialogue in this field, and companies from Germany and Russia went on to conclude their first agreements. The new aspect of this cooperation with Berlin is also important to Moscow in political terms.

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Back to team play. German hopes for renewed co-operation with the USA

Author(s): Ryszarda Formuszewicz / Language(s): English

Germany hopes that Joe Biden’s upcoming presidency will contribute to restoring transatlantic bonds. It is pinning its hopes on both sides sharing a similar perception of the key challenges, the appreciation of the importance of alliances, and on the US returning to the use of multilateral instruments. German-American relations will no longer be burdened by the confrontational rhetoric and strictly transactional approach which were typical of the outgoing president. However, the political change in the United States will not remove the differences of positions and interests that underlie the main disputes between Berlin and Washington. Moreover, given the fact that both Democrats and Republicans were running neck and neck during the presidential race, Germany may modify its expectations with regard to the new American administration to become more realistic. German politicians have signalled their readiness to engage more in maintaining the partnership with the US, but whether they will be able to put these declarations into practice remains an open question, considering that elections to the Bundestag are due to be held next year. The main difficulty for Germany will be making adjustments in the area of security, mainly due to the German public’s reluctance to increase spending on defence. Coordination of policy towards China will be an equally important challenge.

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Biden’s policy towards China: the prospects for transatlantic dialogue

Author(s): Jakub Jakóbowski / Language(s): English

Joe Biden’s victory in the US presidential election means that Washington will continue its confrontational policy towards Beijing. At the same time, it will clearly change its tactics and attempt to mobilise the US’s network of alliances to contain China. On 13 November, China congratulated Biden and Kamala Harris, but highlighted the need to resolve possible legal disputes. The expected change in the US administration has been widely commented upon in the Chinese press. The initial reactions from China reveal expectations that competition with Washington will continue in almost all key areas, although Beijing hopes to unblock some channels for diplomatic contacts. It also expects an extensive US-EU dialogue to begin discussing what actions should be taken with regard to the PRC. The first reactions from Europe suggest that this scenario is very likely. Biden’s victory has been presented as an opportunity for a joint response to the challenges linked to China by Heiko Maas, the German foreign minister, and some representatives of Brussels. However, creating a common front on Beijing will require a number of structural problems in transatlantic relations to be resolved, including in the areas of trade and services, digital technologies and security.

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Border control and invisible threats. Does the closure of borders in Europe stop COVID-19?

Author(s): Asya Metodieva / Language(s): English

Border control was introduced in Europe as an emergeny response to the pandemic between March and May 2020. Following a process of re-opening, countries apply restrictions depending on national risk analyses, as well as individual political and economic interests. Quarantine and testing rules have been adopted across member states in various combinations. However, the rapidly changing situation and the lack of adequate risk assessments have proven these measures to be irrational in some cases. This policy paper evaluates the implementation of travel restrictions in Europe due to COVID-19 to provide an understanding of the relevance of the new border regimes. The analysis seeks to answer the question of whether border restrictions are an effective measure to tackle the pandemic in case of ongoing and future outbreaks. The recommendations provided in this paper address national government officials and security experts. Among the discussed options, closing borders shall be the option least preferred by policy makers due to its negative consequences for the freedom of movement of individuals, goods and services.

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WORLD WAR II

Author(s): Nikica Barić / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

When Hitler decided to invade Yugoslavia and destroy it as a state, his representatives contacted the largest Croatian political party – the Croatian Peasant Party (HSS). The Germans wanted the party’s leader, Vladko Maček, to head the new, independent Croatia after the break-up of Yugoslavia. But Maček rejected the proposal. Then the Ger-mans turned to the Ustasha organization in Croatia and its leader Slavko Kvaternik declared the independent Croatia on April 10, 1941, the same day when the German army entered Zagreb. The Kingdom of Italy had previously supported the Ustasha organization, but after the assassination of the Yugoslav King Alexander Karađorđević in Marseille in 1934, organized by the Ustashas, the Italians restricted the activities of the Ustasha organization in their territory. In the circumstances of preparations for the attack on Yugoslavia, the Italians organized the passage of several hundred Ustashas led by Ante Pavelić to Croatia.

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THE HOMELAND WAR

Author(s): Davor Marijan / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Croatia began the transition from Communism to democracy on May 30, 1990, when the first multi-party Parliament was constituted. The amendments to the Constitution of the Socialist Republic of Croatia (SRH), adopted on July 25, cleansed the system of socialist legal terminology. Franjo Tuđman, President of the SRH Presidency, became the President of the Republic of Croatia and the main figure in Croatian politics. The process of constituting a new government was completed on December 22, 1990 with the adoption of the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia. Croatia was defined as “the national state of the Croatian people and the state of members of other peoples and minorities, who are its citizens: Serbs, Muslims, Slovenes, Czechs, Slovaks, Italians, Hungarians, Jews, and others, who are guaranteed equality with Croatian citizens and the realization of their national rights in accordance with the democratic norms” of the United Nations and “the countries of the free world.” In relation to the 1974 Constitution, which was drafted in such a way that Croatia was “equally divided” between Croats and Serbs, the difference was in the listing of other peoples and nationalities, which relativized the earlier division. The attitude towards Yugoslavia was determined by the view that “the Republic of Croatia remains part of the SFRY until a new agreement between the Yugoslav republics is reached, or until the Parliament of the Republic of Croatia decides otherwise.”

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West European Countries in the Czech Foreign Policy

Author(s): Mats Braun,Elsa Tulmets,Ondřej Ditrych / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The Czech relations with countries covered in this chapter – both EU Member States and others (including microstates) – shared certain general characteristics. Without exception, they involved no issues that would be a subject of major controversy. Secondly, with but a few exceptions, these relations were conducted within a network, or at least through a network, of the EU multilateral frame. The reason for the dominance of the EU framework in the conduct of bilateral relations is primarily the importance of the political process at the EU level both for Member States and their West European neighbours due to a high degree of mutual interdependence and the increasing scope of EU’s allocative and distributive policies. Several government officials throughout the period covered in this volume estimated that up to 80% of the relations of Czech Republic with those countries take place at the EU level. However, this does not result in a decline of the bilateral dimension of mutual relations, as could be expected, but rather in their conduct in a new environment of a burgeoning political system, where the need to negotiate issue coalitions increases. Bilateral negotiations remain an important diplomatic means of this ‘permanent congress’. The last shared feature of Czech foreign policy towards the countries covered in this chapter is that it generally took place in conditions of a political pluralism, which was made possible by the countries’ location within the EU framework. The process of Czech foreign policy involved a considerable number of government actors – all of which should theoretically act in the public interest – without the mediation by traditional diplomacy and conduct through its standard channels. This new pluralism represents one of the central challenges for Czech foreign policy, since without proper coordination it leads to a suboptimal use of (necessarily limited) resources in realizing public interest abroad.

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The Middle East, the Mediterranean and Afghanistan in the Czech Foreign Policy

Author(s): Jaroslav Bureš / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The Mediterranean and the Middle East, although they did not fall under the priorities of Czech foreign policy after 1989, had to be taken into account by the Czech Republic after it joined NATO and the EU due to the wider interest of the trans-Atlantic allies in regional stability and security. For this reason, issues like terrorism, immigration, the Middle East peace process, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, peacekeeping missions, and the Euro-Mediterranean cooperation were among the most frequently discussed topics in the Czech political scene during the 2000s. The Middle East agenda have affected our relations with allies and they have been the subject of home competition on left-right axis. The only long-term Czech interest relating to the region was the mainly rightist government’s attempt to reduce the Czech Republic’s one-sided dependence on imports of Russian oil and gas, which was demonstrated by the support for the Nabucco pipeline project during the Czech EU presidency.

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