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The presented text constitutes the literary basis of my lecture given to the students of philosophy at Sofia University. Of course, the transcript only transmits schematically the actual content of the course. The living atmosphere of communicating with the audience remains unbearable. Stylistically, the text follows Étienne Gilson's recommendation to read the studied author with a pencil in hand. At the same time, he, in some way, stylized the discussed contraversion, ignoring the ecclesiastic, ideological, political, and other contexts of discussion. This is done for the sole purpose of demonstrating the philosophical substance as much as possible in the intellectual disturbances of the last decades of Byzantium. The hope is that such an "extract" will show how inherently inappropriate and misleading is the question often asked: "Is there such a thing as Byzantine philosophy?" For several years now, studies have confirmed the immanent philosophical character of Byzantine culture. This book is a modest attempt to add a few more arguments in this direction. - Tzotcho Boiadjiev
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The cultural approach is based on the belief that - despite even the most dramatic contradictions between strict and disciplined theory and the hardly perceived detachment and disparity of human habitation - philosophy is nothing but the life itself in the logos. To reconstruct the past philosophical system means not only to correctly restore the logical scheme of the respective doctrine, but above all, to manifest its living flesh, its beyond logical element.
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Recently, reduced interest in the diplomatic struggle for the recognizing of the new Yugoslav state in the Russian historiography. The reason is that in Soviet times the topic of relations AVNOJ and the USSR in this period has been given sufficient attention. And despite some discussion, the topic is fairly investigated. However, the problem of international recognizing of the new Yugoslavia is beyond the scope of relations between the USSR and the partisan commanders. It includes a set of international issues related to the struggle between the great powers for the organization of the postwar European order. In the Soviet historiography begins researching of this topic in a short time after the Second World War end. But the majority of researcher studied the soviet struggle for new Yugoslavia recognizing only. Moreover owing to peculiarity of the soviet archive system were almost all of the soviet sources without attention. Besides were not well-known the British sources. Consequently there are some questions, which are some discussion and now there about. The Soviet-Partisans relations in November–December 1943 connected with the summit in Jajce The Change of the British-American strategy towards Yugoslavia and their Michailovich give up The Tito summits with Churchill and Shubashich in the summer of 1944 The Tito secret visit to Moscow in September 1944 and the contents of his speaking to Stalin The British-Soviet negotiations in autumn of 1944 and the „procent agreement”. Consequently is this topic of present interest. But its researching isn’t possible without renovating of source base, especially without using the sources of the soviet foreign policy on the end of the Second World war. Moreover is also necessary to change the methodology and examine this problem in the context of relations between the great powers.
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Considering the chronological framework of modern times and the so-called “long 19th century” with reference to the Balkans, the author comes to the conclusion that, for the Balkans, the 19th century was actually “short” and fit into 36 years - the period between the Congress of Berlin in 1878 and the beginning of World War I in 1914. History allotted quite a short period for the Balkans to pass their way back to Europe, from gaining independence to the “Europeanization” of all life aspects. Being very important for the history of the Balkans, this period has attracted the researchers’ interest and has led to the appearance of numerous scientific works devoted to this period.
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Пре разматрања једне овакве теме, читалац мора увек имати на уму да не постоји нешто јединствено што би назвали „српска историографија“ и њој насупрот „светска историографија“. Једна – априорно претежно „традиционална“ (често обележена као „националистичка“ или „митоманска“), друга – модерна, баштиник нових метода, избалансирана. По нашем разумевању и искуству постоји низ индивидуалних подухвата на обе стране, али и трендови, вододелнице међу њима које са много скрупула треба идентификовати и обележити. Дебате о традицији и модернизацији на овом простору не воде се само у крилу историјске науке, подједнако су укључени социолози, антрополози, правници, економисти и други. Ако су историчари обзирни према карактеру извора (нажалост не сви) код других дисциплина често мањкају знања из историје општег друштвеног контекста неког времена. Историчари, с друге стране, нису понекад обзирни према социолошким, економским или социопсихолошким категоријама. У више радова упозоравали смо на непознавање, али и олако баратање теоријама и моделима који су развијени на основу потпуно друге историјске емпирије од оне на коју их поједини аутори шаблонски примењују. [...]
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Теорије модернизације су у основи теорије трансформације националних држава и друштава, па су и радови о трансформацијским процесима заправо најчешће посвећени разним појавним облицима модернизације. Постоји сагласност теоретичара да је модернизација вид друштвене промене који је и трансформациони (по свом утицају) и прогресиван (према својим ефектима). Иако сложен процес широког обима, она не мора нужно захватити сваку институцију, али би требало да, попут ланчане реакције, трансформише једну институционалну сферу на такав начин да ова произведе комплементарне трансформације у суседној сфери. У покушају да што прецизније дефинишу модернизацију аутори углавном посежу за дешифровањем контрастног поља које раздваја традиционално од модерног. [...]
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The ideological and political changes in the Balkans at the end of the Second World War had a great impact on both the publishing policy and the contents of history textbooks. Due to a way in which communism was established in Yugoslavia and Bulgaria, as well as because of changes initiated by the Resolution of IB, the educational publishing policies in these two countries were quite different. The Soviet model of a textbook written by Evgeny Alexeyevich Kosminsky „History of the Middle Ages” was translated in both countries, infl uencing changes in interpretations of national history. The model was introduced in Yugoslavia immediately after the war, as a result of a complex ethnic structure, but also due to a desire of Yugoslav communists to present them as a vanguard in spreading the Soviet influence. On the other hand, since Bulgaria was a country of „people’s democracy” (just like GDR, Poland, or Romania), the Soviet textbook was translated and introduced in history teaching as a consequence of consolidation within the Eastern Bloc after the Tito-Stalin conflict. Since the Soviet textbook was concentrated mainly on general history, neglecting the history of Yugoslav and Bulgarian nations, the education authorities in Sofia supplemented their edition with lessons from national history. After the Resolution of IB, the Yugoslav authorities have approved the writing of new history textbooks in which the history of South Slavs preceded the national history of „new Yugoslavia”. The most radical change in history textbooks in both countries concerned the harmonization of national history with the Marxist ideology. Furthermore, the history of the Byzantine Empire was modifi ed in accordance with the requirements of current ideology, while the question of Bulgarian ethnogenesis has undergone signifi cant interpretive changes: due to ideological requirements during the first post-war decade, modern Bulgarians in Bulgarian history textbooks turned from the people of Turkish origin into a purely Slavic nation. All the textbooks published immediately after the Second World War showed a high degree of ideologization of medieval history.
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The article is focused on the active, emancipatory and counter-hegemonic potential of yugonostalgia and its creative inspiration. It is arguing that nostalgia is much more than an intimate, passive and bitter-sweet story invented by post-Yugoslavs to lament on their better past, but a new liberating discourse and an ideological platform with the potential to influence current political developments.
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Art history as a discipline is currently undergoing a remarkable period during which the traditional and new theoretical approaches to visual art are discussed. In the first section, the propaedeutic manual of methods in art history discusses the objects of art history, the question of personality of an art historian, and basic techniques in the discipline. Subsequetnly, leading figures of art historians and mainstream currents in art history in the second half of the 20th century are mentioned, focusing on latest trends in the interpretation of art and video works. An important part of the book is a treatise on the fundamental concepts of art history (style, structure, theme- symbol, function, and historic time) and an overview of the major art historical approaches, and also approaches of different disciplines and applied approaches in multidisciplinary fields. The volume is intended primarily for students of art history and follows the earlier part of the previous “Schools of art history.“
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The aim of the book is to clarify one of the fundamental chapters of Russian historiography history. It puts forward analysis of the Russian history concept of Boris N. Chicherin (1858–1904) within the Russian historiography context of that time and within the context of Chicherin’s works on politics and philosophy. The paper shows the beginnings and circumstances of the so called state school of Russian historiography, the representatives of which were apart from Chicherin other reputable representatives of Russian historical thinking – K. D. Kavelin, S. M. Solov’ev and T. N. Granovskii. Using the relevant sources the individual aspects of their Russian history concepts are examined as well as the reaction to their work at that time. The book also shows the connections between the Russian history concept of Chicherin and Russian liberalism of the 19th century.
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The core of the volume is the texts dealing with Wilhelm Dilthey (1833–1911). Although his texts could be interpreted from point of view of cultural history, the author tries to make a philosophical interpretation. Although they may seem thematically distant, the other texts are based on the development of Dilthey motifs. Kantian inspiration was evident in the analysis of the Enlightenment concept of woman and family, as well as in the interpretation of the Central European tradition of aesthetic formalism. The emergence of the philosophy of history and sociological theory in the philosophy of language and the theory of communicative behavior is shown in an analysis of the most important texts by Jürgen Habermas and Karl-Otto Apel.
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It is not a novus in scientific and public discourse to insist on forgetting the “burdening” past. Just as Friedrich Nietzsche did not find anything valuable in the memory of evil, believing that turning back turns us against life, so also lately, at the time of the strongest wave of genocide denial against Bosniaks, there are tendencies in public discourse that victims should forget evil committed against them. The oblivion is presented as a precondition for the way forward, the way to a common and better future, the way to development of the state and society of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is forgotten that evil is “repetitive” as Hannah Arendt says regardless of the punishment. Once a specific crime occurs, its recurrence is much more likely than the possibility of its occurrence. The continuity of the centuries-long recurrence of crimes against Bosniaks, which is in fact a matter of the identity of the state and society of Bosnia and Herzegovina, but also of Bosniaks as victims, is an adequate example and proof of this attitude. The continuity of the centuries-long recurrence of crimes against Bosniaks, which in fact represents a matter of the identity of the Bosnian state and society, but also of Bosniaks as victims, is an adequate example and proof of this attitude. Consequently, in this paper we will look at (un)conscious ways and methods of denying genocide against Bosniaks, identify new methods of denial, certain deviance dealing in the aftermath genocide, but also to give recommendations in which direction the study of genocide in Bosnia and Herzegovina should go in order to adequately remember it, and finally stop the evil of genocide against Bosniaks that has lasted for several centuries.
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Many will claim that life without pain is not a life. Yet, pain makes life so much harder to bear. In its fullness, pain takes life away from the present moment leading it into a longing for a time of its absence (even if this would mean the end of life itself). If life is defined by pain is it worth living? After all, we may not be experiencing pain in every moment but every moment carries a potentiality for pain. While its presence may vary from person to person, we all share this intimate exposure and vulnerability to pain and it is part of what defines us as humans. How we deal with pain on an individual level is not entirely in our control. Culture and the society we are embedded in provide us with the vocabulary for communicating pain and the stance on its value. The question then arises: How do we treat pain on a cultural and individual level? Bodily, sensory pain is perceived spontaneously, directly. Our bodies and their senses make us vulnerable to pain as well as susceptible to the pleasures of its opposites. Pain is defined as exclusively negative making our attitude one of resistance and the desire to be rid of it. This is, in itself, a result of a historically and culturally shaped vision. Simultaneously with avoiding it, however, we encourage and stimulate it, we seek it and it fascinates us. In any case, there is no indifference in or towards pain. When we are the ones inflicting it (torture, sadism), usually we seek explanations and further insight into this behavior. This paper aims to provide this insight. Torture and sadism, extreme forms of inflicting pain, were one of the instruments of committing genocide of Bosniaks in Srebrenica, July 1995. Our general conclusion is that pain, especially in its extreme form, cannot be perceived as anything other than pure negativity of human suffering.
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Knjižica Filipa Kovačevića Kožev u Podgorici, koja se sastoji od osam predavanja što ih je u proljeće 2013.godine autor održao u Centru za građansko obrazovanje (CGO) u Podgorici, predstavlja najsistematičniji prikaz bitnih aspekata opusa značajnoga rusko-francuskog filozofa Alexandrea Kojèvea (1902. – 1968.) u našoj regiji. Ime Alexandrea Kojèvea poznato je svima koji se bave Hegelovom filozofijom, a posebno njezinom recepcijom u Francuskoj. Upravo je zahvaljujući ovom ruskom emigrantu (rođenom u Moskvi pod imenom Aleksandar Vladimirovič Koževnikov), hajdelberškom i berlinskom studentu (doktorirao je kod Karla Jaspersa disertacijom o Vladimiru Solovjevu) a potom i predavaču na pariškoj École practique des hautes études (gdje su ga među ostalima slušali Sartre, Bataille, Aron, Lacan i Merleau-Ponty), Hegelova filozofija, ponajprije njegova Fenomenologija duha (koju je tumačio s humanističkih pozicija obogaćenih anticipativnim primjesama egzistencijalizma) postala relevantnom temom suvremene francuske filozofije. Njegovo najznačajnije djelo pod naslovom Introduction à la lecture de Hegel - Leçons sur la phénoménologie de l’esprit, professées de 1933 à 1939 à l’Ecole des Hautes-Etudes (objavljeno 1947.) predstavlja predavanja što ih je između 1933. i 1939. Kojève držao na spomenutom visokom učilištu. To je djelo 1964. Anđelko Habazin preveo za izdavačku kuću «Veselin Masleša» u Sarajevu pod naslovom Kako čitati Hegela.
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Akademija nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine i njen Odbor za istorijske nauke, organizirao je u saradnji sa Orijentalnim institutom, Filozofskim fakultetom i Institutom za istoriju u Sarajevu međunarodni okrugli sto posvećen naučnom djelu akademika Branislava Đurđeva koji je održan 4. decembra. 2009. Na skupu su učestvovali i svoje referate podnijeli učesnici iz Albanije, Bosne i Hercegovine, Bugarske, Crne Gore, Hrvatske Njemačke, Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i Srbije. Knjiga “Naučno djelo akademika Branislava Đurđeva” predstavlja zbornik radova sa ovog skupa, uz napomenu da neki od referata podnesenih na skupu nisu dostavljeni redakciji Zbornika te nisu našli svoje mjesto u ovoj knjizi. U sadržaj zbornika je naknadno uvršten rad Muhameda Filipovića. Stavovi izneseni u pojedinim radovima u ovom Zborniku isključivo reflektuju mišljenja njihovih autora. Održavanje skupa i izdavanje zbornika finansijski su omogućili Ministarstvo civilnih poslova Bosne i Hercegovine, Grad Sarajevo i Federalno ministarstvo obrazovanja i nauke.
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This collection of nineteen essays written by prominent historians demonstrates the diversity of academic approaches. Their work with historical sources, the foundation stone of research, is combined with ethical and aesthetic decision-making, which forms an indisputable part of their work. This is often surprising - both for the readers and themselves. It represents a great intellectual adventure. They cannot invent sources or set arbitrary rules, plots, and twists and turns, as a novelist might. However, they can write a scientific work which is the result of a creative approach.
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The second volume of Jaroslav Střítecký’s Studies and Essays contains a total of 40 texts. Both extensive studies with notes and loose texts are represented. These include, in particular, the author’s forewords and afterwords accompanying his belles-lettres, journal articles and short glosses. Thematically, they cover all the important disciplines in which Střítecký contributed during his life: philosophy, history, sociology, musicology, aesthetics and literary science.
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