We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.
This book offers an analysis of transitional justice - retribution and reparation after a change of political regime - from Athens in the fifth century BC to the present
More...
The Gulag Survivor – Beyond the Soviet System is the first book published in Ex-Yugoslavia to examine at length and in-depth the post-camp experience of Stalins victims and their fate in post-Soviet Russia. Based on extensive interviews, memoirs, official records, The Gulag Survivor describes what survivors experienced when they returned to society, how officials helped or hindered them, and how issues surrounding their existence evolved from the 1950s to the present.
More...
With a synergy between UN agencies, governments and global civil society sector that managed to build a number of international institutions of criminal justice in the 1990s and the challenges to this commitment in the 2000s, in this paper we ask about sustainability and viable mechanisms to support the work of international courts. Do we in present conditions have a general responsibility to support these institutions even as by-standers to distant conflicts, as opposed to specific responsibilities to our political communities that are protagonists in conflict? We address this question through an examination of Jacques Derrida’s texts that discuss transitional justice issues including the concepts of forgiveness, responsibility, cosmopolitanism and its relation to international institutions. The effort to create a new language of solidarity of global publics in support of international justice, as a sole mechanism securing sustainability of its institutions, following Derrida, will have to seek a significant role for the exercise of philosophy in this project.
More...
The report analyses the participation of transportation companies in smuggling practices, more specifically: // • it examines and describes a range of companies and individuals involved in organized crime groups whose main business is the trafficking of consumer goods. // • it also gives and overview of the criminal and semi-legal networks involved in smuggling Chinese and Turkish goods. // • it presents new data on oil and oil products smuggling. // • it examines the role of duty-free shops and their involvement in illicit cigarettes imports.
More...
This is the second updated edition under the same title, published by the Center for the Study of Democracy of its Reports/ Analyses series to be distributed among participants in Regional Coordination Meeting of Subtable "Justice and Home Affairs" of Stability Pact Working Table III, held in Sofia on October 3rd, 2000. This latest analytical report is the outcome of the efforts of non-government organizations and state institutions, and of independent experts and journalists as well within the framework of the Coalition 2000 process. Launched in 1997, Coalition 2000 strives to support the restriction and curbing of corrupt practices in Bulgarian society, including regular monitoring of public perceptions and attitudes towards corruption. The illicit trafficking growth, as one of the most important sources of local "gray economy" throughout the 90ies, was caused by a number of international and internal factors, the most crucial of which being the weakening of the post-communist state and the spread of corruption practices among state officials. The threat on society posed by the interlacing of the interests both of crossborder crime perpetrators and the associated corrupt public officials (customs officials being the most alarming example according to public opinion), became a serious public concern. This initiated the necessity to analyze the phenomenon and to identify adequate monitoring and counteraction measures, moreover this type of crime finds further confirmation in experts' estimate that a large portion of the local gray economy is related to smuggling of goods and the proceeds of the respective unlawful activities. The report examines the processes of illegal trafficking and the related corruption in Bulgaria, identifying their typical manifestations and the practical assessment, prevention and control strategies and methodologies in three sections as follows: • an analysis of crossborder crime in Bulgaria during the 90ies; • a review of the sociological and statistical methods of measuring illicit trafficking; • Practically oriented proposals with the aim of curbing corruption and trafficking. The first section emphasizes on the combined impact of trafficking and corruption in the context of current criminological environment in this country and the increasing crossborder nature of crime. The problem has been deliberately set in the national context, seemingly isolated from global crime. The second section of the paper (Monitoring the illegal trafficking) proposes two relevant methods of measuring the contraband merchandises imported in the country and the sample survey methods for assessing of smuggling. One of them, the "mirror statistics" method, compares overseas and local official data regarding the export/import of this country. It is applied to assess the scope of the gray economy as a whole, and to locate the main "contraband markets" in Bulgaria. In addition, an original mechanism is developed, which combines monitoring through sample interviews, with exerting control over contraband goods. This mechanism is oriented towards future cooperation between local NGOs and public authorities (customs and police). The third section of the paper consists of proposed measures to be undertaken to curb illegal trafficking and corruption in this country. It is coined after the Coalition 2000 Anti-Corruption Action Plan and outlines the synergy of public sector reform and civil society anti-corruption initiatives. It also stresses on the importance of enhancing international cooperation in the framework of Bulgaria's EU accession. Statistical data provided by the Customs Agency have been used in this second updated edition of the paper. A number of recommendations by the Agency's experts have also been taken in consideration.
More...
U oružanim sukobima u Hrvatskoj (1991.-95.), Bosni i Hercegovini (1992.-95.), i na Kosovu (1998.-99.), najmanje 130,000 ljudi je izgubilo život, milioni su bili prinuđeni da napuste svoje domove, a stotine hiljada kuća su razorene. Prelaz iz stanja oružanog sukoba i državne represije u period mira i izgradnje demokratskih institucija zahteva od ovih društava da se odrede prema masovnim kršenjima ljudskih prava iz bliske prošlosti. Skup mera koje vlasti i civilno društvo preduzimaju radi suočavanja sa ovim kršenjiima prava čini kompleks tranzicione pravde, čiji su osnovni elementi utvrđivanje činjenica, suđenja, reparacije, i institucionalne reforme (lustracija). Ovaj izveštaj se bavi suočavanjem s posledicama ratnih događanja i zločinima počinjenim u periodu od 1991. do 1999. godine. Izveštaj je nastao na inicijativu Fonda za humaritarno pravo (FHP), u saradnji s Istraživačko dokumentacionim centrom (IDC-BiH) i Documentom (Hrvatska). Odnosi se na Bosnu i Hercegovinu, Hrvatsku, Srbiju, Kosovo, i Crnu Goru – u daljem tekstu “post-jugoslovenske zemlje“. U toku 2006. godine, u skoro svim post-jugoslovenskim zemljama suđenja za ratne zločine su dobila na zamahu, ali u drugim oblastima tranzicione pravde jedva da je bilo značajnijih pomaka u odnosu na prethodni period. Nedostajali su konkretni koraci vlasti koji bi vodili ka uspostavljanju tela za utvrđivanje činjenica, na državnom ili regionalnom nivou. Vrlo malo je urađeno kako bi se lica koja pretenduju da obavljaju javnu funkciju podvrgla ispitivanju njihovih postupaka za vreme oružanih sukoba. Napokon, dolazak do reparacija –bilo na osnovu zakona ili sudskim putem – još uvek je teško ostvarivo za mnoge žrtve kršenja prava iz devedesetih godina. SUĐENJA ZA RATNE ZLOČINE: Suđenja za ratne zločine su od samog završetka rata predstavljala najvažniji oblik tranzicione pravde koji se primenjuje u post-jugoslovenskim zemljama. U ranom posleratnom periodu nosilac procesuiranja ratnih zločina u regionu bio je Međunarodni krivični tribunal za bivšu Jugoslaviju (MKTJ), prvenstveno zbog toga što nacionalna pravosuđa nisu zatakav zadatak bila spremna. Iako svojim osnivanjem i delovanjem nije uspeo da spreči neka od teških i masovnih kršenja ljudskih prava, kao što je zločin u Srebrenici u julu 1995. godine, tribunal je doprineo obuzdavanju nasilja u još nedovršenom procesu dezintegracije bivše Jugoslavije, procesuiranju odgovornih na najvišim vojnim i političkim funkcijama, te pripremi pravosuđa i javnosti u regionu zasuđenja za ratne zločine. Uspostavljanje specijalnih tužilaštava za ratne zločine, odnosno specijalizovanih veća ili sudova za ovu vrstu slučajeva, u periodu 2003.-05., dovelo je do poboljšanja istraga i suđenja za ratne zločine, u Hrvatskoj, Srbiji, i Bosni i Hercegovini (BiH). U 2006. godini je nastavljen pozitivan trend iz prethodnih godina, naročito potcrtan daljnjim napretkom u saradnji tužilaštava iz BiH,Hrvatske, i Srbije. Ipak, u sve tri zemlje bili su vidljivi značajni problemi u procesuiranju ratnih zločina,uključujući nedovoljnu podršku političkih struktura krivičnom gonjenju osumnjičenih za ratne zločine bez obzira na nacionalnost, kao i neadekvatne mere za podršku i zaštitu svedoka. U Hrvatskoj su pred županijskim sudovima tokom godine održana ukupno 23 suđenja, od čega 18 protiv pripadnika srpskih snaga, a pet protiv pripadnika vojno-policijskih snaga Republike Hrvatske. Doneseno je pet nepravosnažnih presuda, a tri presude su potvrđene od strane Vrhovnog suda RH. Sudovi u BiH su doneli 23 presude u prvom stepenu, i 17 pravnosnažnih (drugostepenih) presuda. Broj započetih i predstojećih suđenja pred Većem za ratne zločine pri Sudu BiH nadmašio je broj suđenja pred svim drugim sudovima. Procesuiranje za ratne zločine započelo je i u Republici Srpskoj, u kojoj je prethodno vladala nekažnjivost za počinioce ratnih zločina. U Srbiji su 2006. godine održana suđenja za ratne zločine u sedam predmeta. Na Kosovu je 2006. godine održano samo jedno suđenje za ratne zločine, protiv šestorice kosovskih Albanaca optuženih za zločine protiv drugih Albanaca. U avgustu je veće, sastavljeno isključivo od međunarodnih sudija, osudilo trojicu bivših oficira Oslobodilačke vojske Kosova (OVK)na sedmogodišnje kazne zatvora, a sud je nakon izricanja presude doneo odluku o puštanju osuđenih na slobodu do pravnosnažnosti. U Crnoj Gori 2006. godine nije održano nijedno suđenje za ratne zločine, kao ni u prethodne četiri godine. Velika praznina u kažnjavanju ratnih zločina proističe iz činjeni-ce da mnogi počinioci ratnih zločina u BiH sada žive i stekli su državljanstvo u Srbiji o Hrvatskoj, gde im je ustavom ili zakonom zagarantovano neizručivanje. Istovremeno, BiH nije voljna da prepusti suđenja ovih lica pravosuđu Hrvatske i Srbije. UTVRĐIVANJE ČINJENICA: U post-jugoslovenskim zemljama ne deluje nijedno zvanično telo koje bi na sistematski način, na nivou pojedine države ili država naslednica bivše Jugoslavije, utvrđivalo činjenice o kršenjima ljudskih prava i humanitarnog prava u proteklom periodu. U 2006. godini, parlamentarne stranke u BiH su po prvi put uzele učešće u konkretnim aktivnostima koje potencijalno vode ka osnivanju državne komisije za istinu, tako što je radna grupa sačinjena od stranačkih predstavnika napravila nacrt zakona o komisiji. Vlada BiH je u junu osnovala Komisiju za utvrđivanje činjenica o stradanjima Srba, Hrvata, Bošnjaka, Jevreja i ostalih u Sarajevu u periodu 1992-95. Iako je vlada utvrdila jednogodišnji rok za završetak rada ove komisije, u periodu između njenog osnivanja i kraja 2006. godine nije otpočeo rad na prikupljanju informacija. U drugim post-jugoslovenskim zemljama nije bilo ozbiljnijih rasprava unutar parlamenta ili vlada o osnivanju bilo kog tipa komisije za istinu. Umesto toga, na skupovima nevladinih organizacija učesnici su razmatrali moguće osnivanje regionalnog tela koje bi utvrđivalo činjenice o prošlosti i omogućilo žrtvama da neposredno iznose svoja iskustva. U 2006. godini, u raspravama koje su u parlamentima Srbije i Hrvatske vođene o događajima iz vremena rata, dominirala je jednostrana nacionalistička interpretacija ratnih događanja. Naročito je ovo bilo primetno u Srbiji, gde predstavnici umerenih stranaka nisu reagovali na brojne istupe nacionalističkih ekstremista. Krajem 2006. godine, u regionu je bilooko 17.000 nerešenih zahteva za pronalazak nestalih lica. Odnosi između predstavnika raznih komisija za nestala lica, na nivou post-jugoslovenskih zemalja još su opterećeni nepoverenjem. Još su češće i oštrije kritike koje udruženja porodica nestalih javno upućuju na račun državnih tela. Sve ovo doprinosilo je utisku o ispolitizovanosti jednog eminentno humanitarnog pitanja, i umanjivalo je efikasnost napora za traženje nestalih lica. Komisija za traženje nestalih Federacije BiH je 2006. godine ekshumirala oko 2.250 posmrtnih ostataka ne području Republike Srpske, a Kancelarija Republike Srpske zatraženje nestalih i zarobljenih lica je ekshumirala 126 tela. U Hrvatskoj je u toku 2006. godine ekshumirano 180 tela. Krajem godine još uvek se 2.050 državljana Republike Hrvatske vodilo kao nestalo, a uz to vlasti Srbije su tražile nešto više od 400 svojih državljana koji su nestali tokom sukoba u Hrvatskoj. Na Kosovu je krajem 2006. godine bilo 2,137 lica za kojima se i dalje traga, a nadležne agencije su u toku godine ekshumirale 59 tela. LUSTRACIJA: Bosna i Hercegovina ostaje jedina od post-jugoslovenskih zemalja u kojoj je, iako u ograničenom obimu, mogućnost da lice obavlja javnu funkciju uslovljena ispitivanjem njegovih postupaka za vreme oružanih sukoba. Između 1999. i 2002. godine, Misija Ujedinjenih nacija je ispitivala postupanje 24.000 aktivnih policajaca u prethodnom (ratnom) periodu; 4 odsto policajaca je kao rezultat procesa uklonjeno iz službe. Između 2002. i 2004. godine u BiHje sprovedena sudska reforma, u toku koje je Visoki sudski i tužilački savet odlučio da oko 200 sudija i tužilaca, od 1.000, ne treba da budu ponovo izabrano. Iako u Srbiji postoji zakon koji na sveobuhvatan način predviđa utvrđivanje činjenica o aktivnostima lica za vreme oružanih sukoba i u periodu komunizma, zakon nikada nije bio primenjen. U periodu 2004.-06., većinu poslanika u parlamentu činili su poslanici Srpske radikalne stranke, Demokratske stranke Srbije, i Socijalističke partije Srbije, koje su u vreme donošenja zakona o odgovornosti za kršenje ljudskih prava (2003.) bile protiv njegovog usvajanja. REPARACIJE: U toku 2006. godine, u post jugoslovenskim zemljama primenjivane su sledeće vrste reparacija: naknade (na osnovu zakona i na osnovu sudskih odluka), restitucija, utvrđivanje sudbine nestalih, i otkrivanje spomen-obeležja. Povrat i obnova imovine, te novčane reparacije suuglavnom najpre obezbeđeni za pripadnike većine, odnosno žrtve na pobedničkoj strani rata, dok u odnosu na pripadnike manjine proces još uvek traje, ili tek treba da počne (u Hrvatskoj je desetinama hiljada Srba sudskim putem oduzeto stanarsko pravo s obrazloženjom da su napustili stanove, a vlada nije pokazala spremnost da im obezbedi pravičnu restituciju ili kompenzaciju). Spomen-obeležja se takođe podižu u znak sećanja na žrtve većinskog naroda. U koncipiranju i primeni zakona o reparacijama, u svim post-jugoslovenskim zemljama upadljivo su privilegovana vojna lica, odnosno članovi njihovih porodica, u odnosu na civile. U svim delovima bivše Jugoslavije, izvestan broj civilnih žrtava rata i osoba čija su ljudska prava ozbiljno kršena u prethodnom periodu nastojao je da ostvari naknadu štete sudskim putem. U Srbiji su, u njihovo ime, nevladine organizacije za ljudska prava podnosile tužbe za naknadu štete, i u većini slučajeva sudovi su presudili u korist žrtava. U drugim zemljama,broj tužilaca je bio relativno mali, zbog nepostojanja delotvornih sistema besplatne pravne pomoći i zakonskih rešenja kojima bi se žrtve izuzele od plaćanja sudskih taksi i troškova postupka u slučaju gubitka spora. U svim post-jugoslovenskim zemljama karakter spomen-obeležja i način na koji se podižu jasno reflektuje političku i društvenu klimu u datoj sredini. U Srbiji, spomen-obeležja izražavaju potrebu većinskog dela društva da interpretira ulog u Srbije u ratovima 1990-ih, inače žestoko kritikovanu u međunarodnoj zajednici i u drugim delovima bivše Jugoslavije, kao jednoznačno pozitivnu. U Hrvatskoj i na Kosovu, gotovo potpuno odsutstvo spomen-obeležja o stradanjima manjinskog (srpskog) naroda izražava rasprostranjen stav da uloga pravedne žrtve isključivo pripada većinskom (hrvatskom, odnosno albanskom) narodu. U Bosni i Hercegovini postoji nešto veća spremnost da se,kroz simboličku formu spomenika, prihvate svedočanstva o stradanju “druge strane”, iako takvi primeri predstavljaju izuzetak pre nego pravilo. U Crnoj Gori, tenzija između vlasti koja je zagovarala samostalnost Crne Gore, s jedne strane, i onih sektora u društvu koji su naklonjeni Srbiji, s druge strane, prelama se i kroz praksu podizanja spomen-obeležja. Ono što je zajedničko spomen-obeležjima u svim delovima bivše Jugoslavije je prihvatanje, na simboličkom nivou, privilegovanog položaja vojnih žrtava u odnosu na civilne.
More...
Konzultacije su organizirali Centar za građanske inicijative Poreč (Hrvatska) i Documenta (Hrvatska). Skupu je prisustvovalo 25 sudionika/ca iz organizacija za ljudska prava, udruga stradalih i obitelji nestalih, organizacija mladih, ženskih grupa, profesionalnih udruga i lokalnih vlasti u Istri. Amir Kulaglić iz Srebrenice (BiH), Vesna Teršelič (Documenta, Hrvatska) i Eugen Jakovčić (Documenta, Hrvatska) bili su predavači, dok su skup moderirali Bisera Momčinović (Centar za građanske inicijative Pula, Hrvatska) i Goran Božičević (MIRamiDA centar Grožnjan, Hrvatska). Radio Pula, Tv Nova izvještavali su sa događaja. Novi list i Glas Istre su objavili razgovor s Amirom Kulaglićem, autora Mladena Radića, kao i tekst „Prekinuti šutnju i poricanje“ autorice Tatjane Gromače.
More...
Mnogi se pitaju, na prvi pogled logično i opravdano, koja je uopće svrha suočavanja s prošlošću. Prema njima, umjesto bolnoga i beskorisnoga pa i štetnoga suočavanja s minulim nasiljem i zločinima, pojedinci, narodi i društva trebaju ostaviti prošlost iza sebe i sasvim se okrenuti (boljoj) budućnosti. Iako prihvaćamo dobrohotnost većine tih kritičara, nas troje autora ove knjige spadamo među ljude koji se ne slažu s tvrdnjama o uzaludnosti ili štetnosti suočavanja s prošlošću, i to iz više razloga. Ponajprije ističemo razlog koji je po našem mišljenju najvažniji: suočavanje je ne samo potrebno nego i nužno zbog svih kojima prošlost uopće nije prošlost, već je traumatiziranost zbog neposredno ili posredno pretrpljenoga nasilja u ratnim i drugim sukobima osnovna odrednica njihove sadašnjosti, a nekima i budućnosti. Takav odnos prema prošlosti imaju milijuni ljudi koji žive u mnogim zemljama i na različitim kontinentima.
More...
Content: Security Issues, Employment, and Application of Law on the Use of Languages and Anti-discrimination Law in Kosovo; Return of Displaced Persons to Kosovo in 2007 and 2008; Kosovo Institutions Applying the Law on the Use of Languages; Application of Anti-discrimination Law and Law on the Use of Languages in Kosovo Public Companies; Implementation of the Law on the Use of Languages in the Kosovo Education Process.
More...
Following the increase in the number of incidents in North Mitrovica/Mitrovicë which occurred at the end of December 2008, and throughout January 2009, HLC-Kosovo conducted research to systematically monitor the implementation of minority rights in practice, in particular the extent of the implementation of point 31 of article 58 (state responsibilities) of chapter III of the Kosovo constitution and points 3.2 and 3.52 of article 3 of the Law on the Protection and Promotion of the rights of Communities and their Members in Kosovo. The research also sought to identify the level of security in North Mitrovica/Mitrovicë, as well as the causes, consequences and impact that the incidents have had on the overall security situation and everyday life of citizens living in this region. For this purpose, HLC-Kosovo conducted 40 interviews with representatives of local municipal authorities, the judiciary, police, civil society and citizens of all ethnic backgrounds.
More...
This volume contains the scientific papers presented at the Eleventh International Conference „Perspectives of Business Law in the Third Millennium” that was held on 19 November 2021 in online format on Zoom. The conference is organized each year by the Faculty of Law of the Bucharest University of Economic Studies together with the Society of Juridical and Administrative Sciences. The scientific studies included in this volume are grouped into five chapters: Stop or go back to business as unusual — legal issues impacting businesses during this time; Changes in the legal landscape, regulatory challenges and more; In-depth look at business law topics; European overview of the legal and business considerations. The present volume is addressed to practitioners, researchers, students and PhD candidates in juridical sciences, who are interested in recent developments and prospects for development in the field of business law at international and national level. This book is edited with the support of the Romanian Ministry of Education and Research.
More...
This essay will provide an introductory discussion of the historiography of the Bosnian genocide of 1992–1995 in the works of foreign scholars. The historiography is too large for this discussion to be exhaustive. We have attempted here to provide the principal categories of relevant works while citing the most important examples of them, before discussing the historiographical deficiencies and the tasks awaiting future scholars of the genocide. The reason for the dearth of monographs on the Bosnian genocide is that the subject is highly controversial, and any scholar who seriously studies it and expresses an opinion is likely to create enemies for themselves. There is a tendency of scholars to see the war in postmodernist terms, in terms of Serb, Croat and Bosniak “narratives”; as opposed to objective truth, which discourages taking the subject intellectually seriously. Furthermore, the prevailing ideology and discourse stemming from the international administration is one of reconciliation and putting the past behind us. So there is a disincentive to study the genocide in depth; a preference for studying more liberal feel-good themes related to reconciliation, memory, transitional justice and post-war reconstruction. The Bosnian genocide therefore awaits a new generation of foreign scholars to take it seriously as a subject and explore it in detail.
More...
20 years later: Journalists on the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina was the first book published by UDIK. This publication documents the stories of local and foreign journalists and photo-journalists during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, who present their experiences and impressions of the war events of the nineties. How did information get out into the world from a city that was under siege for 44 months? What was crucial for the sleeping world to finally wake up? Irena Antić, Roy Gutman, Florence Hartmann, Ron Haviv, Morten Hvaal, Paulina Janusz, Robert King, Rémy Ourdan, Teofil Pančić, Tarik Samarah, Jasminka Šipka, Imre Szabó and Vanesa Vasić-Janeković speak about these and other topics.
More...
Prošlo je trideset godina od početka opsade i odbrane Sarajeva. Sarajevo je, shodno velikosrpskom strategijskom planu, bio epicentar i glavni cilj agresije. Agresija JNA i srpskih oružanih jedinica iz Bosne i Hercegovine i Srbije i Crne Gore na međunarodno priznatu državu Bosnu i Hercegovinu, po svim meritornim analizama, imala je široke razmjere i karakter Blitzkrieg, odnosno karakter brzo izvedene okupacije i opsade, prije svega, velikih gradova kao centara ekonomske, političke, kulturne moći i tradicijskog značaja, te posebice blokade vitalnih komunikacija (cestovnog, željezničkog, vazdušnog, pa i riječnog saobraćaja), a sve s ciljem pripajanja cijele teritorije Bosne i Hercegovine Saveznoj Republici Jugoslaviji, a u kontekstu dogovora između Tuđmana i Miloševića, znatan dio Bosne i Hercegovine bio je namijenjen projekciji „Velike Hrvatske”. Sarajevo je do 6. aprila 1992. godine već bilo potpuno odsječeno. Komunikacijski presječeno. Jedinice JNA i srpske paravojne (četničke) jedinice već su bile na svim bitnim strateškim punktovima u Sarajevu i oko Sarajeva i šire regije; gledano sa striktno vojnog stajališta, planom blokade, opsade i osvajanje Sarajeva bilo je veoma dobro zamišljeno; zaposjednute su sve vitalne tačke: Trebević, Zlatište, Brus, Osmice, Žuč, Hum, Mrkovići, Borije, Špicasta stijena, itd., a koncentrirana vatrena moć je, po izjavama Karadžića, Mladića i Vojislava Šešelja, bila takva da je bila dovoljna po zamišljenim prognozama artiljerijski da napadne Italiju. Pet bivših korpusa JNA, od Riječkog, Zagrebačkog, Užičko-valjevskog i Titogradskog, itd. bilo je koncentrirano i raspoređeno u Bosni i Hercegovini, a od toga glavnina vatrene moći oko Sarajeva. Iza svake od tih strateških zajedničkih tačaka, koje su Sarajevo imale kao na dlanu i koje su ga tako bezočno uništavale i razarale, iza sebe su imale stručno napravljene komunikacijske i fortifikacijske linije, kompletne saobraćajnice, s pozadinskom logistikom, doturom municije, nafte, hrane i svega onoga što je bilo potrebno za uništavanje jednog velikog grada.
More...
The new issue of the newsletter through ACCESS TO JUSTICE brings an author's text by Mihail Pavlović about another attempt by Serbia to legally regulate the provision of free legal aid. Free legal aid represents an obligation in the process of harmonization with the European Union regulations, but also an obligation towards socially vulnerable citizens who need it the most, among whom are a large number of victims of war crimes. The News column provides an overview of current affairs in the field of the implementation of transitional justice mechanisms and European integration of Serbia, while the War Crimes Trials column offers an overview of trials held and verdicts passed in the previous period.
More...
Thousands of people try to find their way daily through an immensely complicated labyrinth established by the three separate and very often conflicting legal systems in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). Evidence presented in this report, the third in the ICG legal project series, proves that unexplained time delays, dubious application of law and blatant ethnic discrimination contribute greatly to the ad hoc nature of Bosnian justice. This report scrutinises six individual cases of ethnic and political discrimination. Recommendations are presented to counteract the violations committed by judges and prosecutors in these cases and to ensure that such violations are prevented in the future, through the strengthening of the concept of rule of law and of judicial and prosecutorial independence. Data on the cases contained herein was provided by ICG partner organisations based throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina. All are Bosnian NGOs providing, inter alia, free legal aid to Bosnian citizens.
More...
This report names individuals in eighteen Republika Srpska municipalities and the Brcko District who are alleged to have committed indictable acts or supervised those who did so, and are therefore potentially indictable for war crimes under the criteria established by the ICTY. Yet they continue to play a prominent role in their respective areas, and present significant barriers to the implementation of the Dayton Peace Accords. Senior international officials know about them. Many meet frequently with international officials and representatives of SFOR. The influence of potential war criminals at the municipal and entity level is an open secret among international officials. The issue is often avoided, since it exposes contradictions between the international community’s commitment to justice and the rule of law, on the one hand, and the temptations of political expediency, on the other. And yet the persistence of radical politics in eastern RS follows logically from the fact that the international community permitted the SDS of indicted war criminal Radovan Karadzic to participate in post-Dayton “democratic” elections. As one mayor in RS noted, “the SDS as a party protects war criminals because to do otherwise would call its entire concept into question.”1 More significantly, the failure to arrest Karadzic himself has sent a message to his wartime colleagues and political successors that they can obstruct return, actively work against Dayton implementation, exploit nationalist sentiments, and remain untouchable.
More...
Under the Constitutional Framework, authority for the justice sector – with the exception of the administration of courts - is reserved to the Special Representative of the Secretary General (SRSG). However, this does not absolve UNMIK of the responsibility to involve Kosovo officials in planning the system. The Department of Justice is currently developing a transition strategy for the implementation of UNMIK’s benchmarks. ICG calls on the Department to include Kosovo officials in the development of this strategy. Moreover, Kosovo officials should be gradually introduced into policy and planning functions more generally, co-head positions should be established in the Department of Justice, and international staff dedicated solely to building the capacity of local officials should be seconded into the Department. Finding the Balance also examines the prosecution of sensitive offences such as war crimes and ethnically motivated violence. Despite the significant resources devoted to the documentation of war crimes, they have largely gone unpunished as has subsequent violence against Kosovo’s minorities.
More...
The right of internally displaced people (IDPs) and refugees to return to their homes in Kosovo is indisputable, and has become a top priority of the international community, and the United Nations Interim Administrative Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK). The late success of the returns process in Bosnia demonstrates that progress is not necessarily linear, and time must often pass before significant advances are made. The international community must be realistic in its expectations for Kosovo. While it is unclear how many IDPs will return, it is highly unlikely that large numbers of displaced will come back in the near future. However, all must be given the opportunity to exercise this right to return in safety and in dignity.
More...
